There was some very bad news yesterday for supporters of human rights and due process — or, I suppose, very good news for supporters of unreviewable government power. The hastily-passed Torture and Dungeons Act (AKA the “Military Commissions Act of 2006″, or MCE) was used for the first time to dismiss a court challenge brought by a “war on terror” detainee being held at Guantanamo.
The plaintiff in the case was none other than Mr. Salim Ahmed Hamdan, of Hamdan v. Rumsfeld fame. His petition to US courts challenging the legality of his detention was dismissed for lack of jurisdiction, due to the fact that the Torture and Dungeons act strips aliens detained by the US military of their habeas corpus rights. This was a federal district court ruling, so it is bound to be appealed. You can read the entire thing (it’s not too long) online.
Background: Habeas Corpus
The Writ of Habeas Corpus, AKA the “Great Writ”, is inherited from English common law; its first recorded use was in 1305, and it is one of the cornerstones of our system of law. The Writ is a primary mechanism for resisting state tyranny, as it allows anyone detained by the government to challenge the legality of their detention by appealing to the courts. This is a powerful check against the government’s ability to simply lock people up without any legal basis and then refuse to bring them to trial. Wikipedia quotes Dicey as saying that the Habeas Corpus Acts “declare no principle and define no rights, but they are for practical purposes worth a hundred constitutional articles guaranteeing individual liberty“.
The Framers of our own Constitution viewed the Great Writ as fundamentally important. Our Constitution provides, in Article 1, no less, that:
The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.
It’s worth noting that as far back as the Great Writ’s first applications in England, it was understood to apply to anyone, regardless of citizenship or nationality, that may fall under the power of the government. That was, in fact, the whole point: it was intolerable for the government to arbitrarily imprison anybody without a solid reason in law. Wikipedia notes,
Since the 18th century the writ has also been used in cases of unlawful detention by private individuals, most famously in Somersett’s Case (1771), where the black slave Somersett was ordered to be freed, the famous words being quoted from an earlier case: “The air of England has long been too pure for a slave, and every man is free who breathes it.”
Yesterday’s ruling
Fast-forward to 2006. The Torture and Dungeons Act says, in Section 7, that:
(e)(1) No court, justice, or judge shall have jurisdiction to hear or consider an application for a writ of habeas corpus filed by or on behalf of an alien detained by the United States who has been determined by the United States to have been properly detained as an enemy combatant or is awaiting such determination.
The question that immediately comes to mind is, is this constitutional? Can Congress eliminate the right of habeas corpus for anyone, even “aliens” being held by the military? The ruling yesterday is something of a mixed bag. It says that:
- US citizens always have a constitutional right to the Great Writ, and
- Anyone held on US soil has a constitutional right to the Writ, regardless of citizenship, but,
- Non-US citizens held abroad do not have a Constitutional right to the Writ, and the Torture and Dungeons act expressly disavows any statutory right to the Writ.
- Guantanamo is not within the “sovereign realm” of the US, even though it is under the control of the US military.
- Therefore, Hamdan has no right to exercise the Great Writ and challenge his detention.
Today’s ruling implies that at least part of the Torture and Dungeons Act is unconstitutional, since it finds that the Constitution requires access to the Writ for aliens being held on US soil, but the MCA claims to forbid this. This would appear to apply to, for example, Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri, a foreign national who was staying in the US on a valid visa before being picked up, and who is currently being held at a military base within the US. However, the court’s ruling does not actually conclude this, since Hamdan’s habeas appeal was simply dismissed for lack of jurisdiction.
So what?
Some readers may be scratching their heads at this point and thinking, “I don’t see what the problem is. US citizens get to use US courts to challenge their detention, but people who have nothing to do with the US do not. Seems right to me”.
There are two intertwined reasons why forbidding non-citizens from challenging their detention is a terrible idea. The first is that there’s no morally tenable reason I can think of to provide different rights to citizens and non-citizens, period. As I argued in a previous post, in order to support lesser rights for non-citizens, it would seem to me that you would have to believe one of two things:
- For some reason, although the executive can’t be trusted not to be abusive when dealing with citizens, we can be confident that it won’t be abusive when dealing with non-citizens. Or,
- For some reason, although we believe that executive abuses against citizens are unjust and unconscionable, abuses against non-citizens are perfectly acceptable.
I can’t see why anyone would believe either of these things. Our system of law requires that the executive respect various basic human rights as a safeguard against abuse. I’m not sure why these safeguards would be any less important for non-citizens.
However, even if, for some reason, you believe that it’s acceptable in principle for non-citizens to have lesser rights, it still seems like a terrible idea for them to have no rights at all, which is the newly established state of affairs.
Consider the plight of an innocent foreign national picked up by the US military overseas and imprisoned as an “enemy combatant” in Guantanamo. The Torture and Dungeons Act defines a military tribunal system, but nothing requires the government to bring detainees to trail. If it’s so inclined, the government can simply imprison detainees indefinitely, without charge of any kind. There are a considerable number of people rotting in Guantanamo as you read this that have been imprisoned for years. If any of them are innocent, that’s just too bad; there may never be an opportunity for them to have their day in a court of any kind [1].
Foreign nationals imprisoned in this way obviously have no recourse to their home country’s court system. The ruling today relies on the fact that the Guantanamo camp is on sovereign Cuban soil, but obviously detainees have no access to Cuban courts, either. And now our Congress, in its wisdom, has forbidden alien detainees from challenging their detention in US courts.
If this ruling is allowed to stand, the US executive branch will have a Congressionally granted, and judicially approved, right to run prisons overseas as legal black holes. Detainment centers like Guantanamo will be utterly beyond the reach of any court. As the Center for Constitutional Rights says,
[It is very troubling] that any judge or any legislature anywhere would ever seek to deprive a person of that most basic of human rights - the right to personal liberty - without providing them with a fair process and unbiased judge to rule on the legality of that deprivation.”
and,
[T]his is the first time in the history of this country that a court has held that a man may be held by our government in a place where no law applies
As I understand it, women may be held in such a way, too, but this is otherwise exactly right.
With this hideous act of Congress, we have vested tyrannical powers in the US executive branch. Think I’m overstating the matter? What does tyranny mean, if not the right to seize people off the streets and cast them into a dark hole forever, incommunicado, without any constraints or safeguards on their treatment, and without due process of any kind? This power is the very essence of tyranny, and is exactly the power this Congress has, unreviewably, vested in the White House.
In 1679, the British Parliament passed legislation reaffirming the fundamental right of all subjects to the Great Writ of Habeas Corpus. The act’s full title was An Act for the better securing the Liberty of the Subject, and for Prevention of Imprisonment beyond the Seas. It was intended precisely to convey to the King that his usual tactic, now employed by the US government, of imprisoning his enemies outside British sovereign territory still did not obviate the King’s ultimate duty to respect fundamental human rights.
Some date the right of Habeas Corpus to the Magna Carta, issued in 1215. Therefore, this Administration and Congress have set back the rule of law and the rights of all people that fall under its power by at least three hundred years, and possibly by nearly as much as eight hundred years.
For shame.
Addendum: As usual, Glenn Greenwald has an article on the ruling that is well worth your time to read. Selected quotes (bold is mine but italics are Glenn’s):
What is so radical and indescribably regressive is the Congress’ enactment of a law which expressly denies habeas rights to everyone in the world other than U.S. citizens. Not only did the Founders repeatedly emphasize that the right of habeas corpus is the most critical safeguard against tyranny from the Executive branch (and never drew any distinction between citizens and non-citizens), but the statute granting habeas jurisdiction to federal courts (sec. 2241) was the very first statute ever enacted by the U.S. (in 1789) which bestowed jurisdiction to the federal courts. That is how paramount a right the Founders believed habeas petitions to be.
[...]
The MCA — passed in a pre-election frenzy with virtually no thought or deliberation — drastically reverses that 210-year trend and deliberately seeks to limit habeas rights as narrowly as possible. Put another way, it seeks to vest the maximum possible power in the President to order people imprisoned — even for life — with no opportunity to contest the validity of the accusations against them or the treatment to which they are subjected. That, as has been repeatedly noted, is a power which not even the British King possessed.
[1] I’m utterly discounting the so-called “Combatant Status Review Tribunals” that detainees are periodically subjected to. In these “trials”, defendants are not allowed to call any witnesses not already being held at Guantanamo, may not consult any classified evidence against them, and do not have access to a lawyer. Detainees are not presumed innocent. Evidence acquired using torture may be allowed. In order to even attend the tribunal’s proceedings, the detainee must sign a document waiving various rights. The Pentagon itself has said that “The process is not intended to determine guilt or innocence,” but rather “to confirm the status of enemy combatants.” It should be clear to all that this bears no resemblance at all to the principle of “due process.”